Status: Indigenous Arab people within the province of
Al-Ahwaz
(officially known as Khuzestan) are a national, ethnic, linguistic and a
cultural minority.
Population: Al-Ahwaz: 5.7 million (according 2009 estimate based on
2002 government census) whith approx 4 million are Arabs. There are
about 2 million Ahwazi Arab war (Iran-Iraq) refugees in other provinces.
Capital City: Ahwaz
Area: 89,000km2
Language: Arabic
Religion: Shi’a 70%, Sunni 24%, others 1%
Ethnic Groups: Arab (75%), Persian, Lurs, Jewish, Christian
OVERVIEW
The
Ahwazi Arabs are one of the largest minority groups within Iran and are
predominantly situated in the Al-Ahwaz province. Al-Ahwaz, also known
as Arabistan or Khuzestan, is situated in the southwestern part of Iran.
It borders Basra province, Iraq in the west, the Gulf, Shat al-Arab
Waterway, and the province of Dashestan in the south, and the mountains
of Lurestan and Kurdistan in the north and east respectively. Its
capital is the city of Ahwaz. Nearly 90% of Iran’s oil originates from
Al-Ahwaz, due to its location at the tip of the Gulf and the Shat
al-Arab waterway. The Karoun River, Iran’s largest river, flows through
Al-Ahwaz into the Gulf and is a major means of transportation through
Iran. The Al-Ahwaz providence is one of the most lucrative provinces
because of its natural resources and shipping ability. However, despite
this wealth the Ahwazi Arabs of Al-Ahwaz receive very little of the
profits and many are forced to relocate due to Iranian oil and dam
develop
In
addition to not being compensated for the loss of their lands, the
Ahwazi Arabs face continued violence and repression by the Iranian
government. Since the 1980s the Iranian government has imposed several
discriminatory ethnic and religious policies that have banned Sunni
Ahwazi Arabs from participating in government, limited their access to
education and resources, and forcing them into abject poverty. In order
to silence opposition, Iranian authorities have persecuted the Ahwazi
Arabs through arbitrary arrest, torture, rape, deportation and
destruction of property. The United Nations, European Union, and state
governments have condemned the discriminatory and violent methods the
Iranian government has taken against the Ahwazi Arabs. While Iran has
faced severe criticism by the United Nations Human Rights Commission and
Human Rights Council more recently for its treatment of Iranian
religious and ethnic minorities it remains to be seen whether change is
forthcoming.
POLITICAL SITUATION
In
2005 it was revealed that the central government had been pursuing a
plan of requisitioning land from Arabs in Al-Ahwaz and selling it to
ethnic Persians and non-Arab businesses with zero percent loans. The
displaced Ahwazis remain undercompensated, and have been forced to
relocate to shanty towns in the regional capital, Ahwaz. Some Ahwazis
have even been deported across the country to the northeastern city of
Mashhad. A government document revealing these plans and other
“Persianisation” methods was discovered in 2005 and led to massive
protests and unrest in Al-Ahwaz. The government backlash was severe and
led to hundreds of arrests and dozens of executions. Since 2005 every
year around the anniversary of the protests there have been preemptive
arrests and executions. Since January 2009, between 30 and 100 Ahwazi
(the former estimate is according to official government reports, the
latter to human rights groups) have been executed for purported crimes
varying from drug trafficking to Mohareb: “being enemies of God”.
Mohareb’s interpretation is itself ambiguous and subjective and has been
extended to cover a range of crimes, from petty theft to acts of
terrorism. The majority of the people targeted for these arrests and the
resultant executions are young men, many of whom have been involved in
political activism.
In
addition to being forced from their native lands the Ahwazi Arabs have
experienced severe repression through the Iranian gozinesh law, passed
in 1988, which makes access to education, employment, military and
governmental services conditional upon a rigorous ideological screening
to assure a devotion to the state’s official ideology of Islam. Both
Sunni and Shia Ahwazi Arabs suffer under this discriminatory policy as
they are seen as enemies to the Iranian state and not true practitioners
of Islam. Many have been denied access to basic services, while several
among them have been subjected to arbitrary arrests and imprisonment.
The
elections that took place on June 12th, 2009 and the Iranian
government’s aggressive response against protestors is a pressing
concern for the Ahwazi Arabs. In Al-Ahwaz several Ahwazi Arab homes were
raided after the elections and many individuals were subject to torture
and wrongful arrests. The censoring of dissidents by the Iranian
government through the removal of media outlets, arrest of news
reporters and use of force, rape, property destruction and imprisonment
of political activists continues to plague all those who voice their
political opposition.
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
ARAB PERIOD
Before
the Islamic conquest of Persia in the 7th century, many Arab tribes
have lived in different parts of Iran, each one retaining their own
identity through language, culture and religion. According to Kasravi, a
well respected Iranian contemporary historian, in his book titled “500
years history of Khuzestan” and to Tabari, the first Muslim historian,
the Ahwazi-Arabs have lived in Khuzestan and other parts of southern
Iran since the Parthian era, 4000 years ago. In 639 AD the Islamic
conquest of Persia brought Islam to the area. Control of the region of
Al-Ahwaz changed from Arab to Persian control multiple times, but
throughout history the region maintained a majority Arab population.
Muhammad Ibn Faalah Mashaasha independently ruled Al-Ahwaz from the 15th
to the second half of the 19th century. The king of Iran during the
time, Nasser al-Din Shah, acknowledged the autonomy and independence of
the region,
It
was from 1503 onward that Al-Ahwaz came to be known as Arabestan,
signifying its Arab character as well as its Arab inhabitants. During
this time the Al-Ahwaz enjoyed considerable autonomy as they were
separated from the imperial power by the Zagros mountain chain. The
local Arab sheiks were largely independent and the region was ethnically
distinct from the rest of Persia.
PAHLAVI DYNASTY
By
the end of the 18th century, the Bani Kaab tribe replaced the
Mashaashaid as the new rulers of Khuzestan. Bani-Kaab ruled Arabistan
until Sheikh Khazaal, the last Arab ruler, was removed from power in
1925. With the support of British officials,Reza Shah was placed into
power. Reza Shah immediately began to forcibly settle the tribal groups
of Al-Ahwaz, which presented a considerable conflict as the groups were
traditionally semi-nomadic. Tehran commenced a heavy centralization
process, imposing Farsi as the official language and banning the
teaching of Arabic in schools. This centralization was exacerbated in
1936 when Al-Ahwaz was renamed Khuzestan by the central Iranian
government, further attempting to deny the Arab identity of the
province. Thus the Iranian government was able to put an end to the last
autonomous province and emirate in the area and bring Arabistan
(Al-Ahwaz) under its control.
ISLAMIC REVOLUTION AND THE IRAN-IRAQ WAR
Due
to the endemic corruption and autocratic rule of the government, the
Pahlavi dynasty was overthrown and replaced by the theocratic Islamic
Republic of Iran. However, the policies of the Islamic Republic, like
its predecessor, were based on the elimination of the national identity
of Ahwazi-Arabs and other nationalities such as the Turks, Kurds, Baloch
and Turkmen. Upon its ascendance to power, the Islamic government
responded severely and immediately cracked down on all federalist
movements. Many ethnic minorities, including the Ahwazi, used this
occasion to demand better representation and more autonomy from the new
government. Systematic human rights breaches followed, on one day
following the 1979 revolution, more than 800 unarmed Arab Ahwazis were
killed by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. The Islamic Republic
did not alter the previous regime’s centralist policies towards
Al-Ahwaz, and the Ahwazi Arab people have remained under political,
cultural, social and economic control ever since.
In
September 1980, following a long history of border disputes, fear of
Shia terrorism and the desire of Iraq to become the dominant Gulf state,
the Iran-Iraq War began with Iraqi forces invading Al-Ahwazi. While
non-local inhabitants of Khuzestan escaped the war ravaged province to
their original homeland, Ahwazis were subjected to the destruction of
their homes, farms and lived under bombardments for eight years.
Throughout this time the United Nations Security Council worked for a
ceasefire, but it was not until 1988 that this was achieved and the last
prisoners of war were not exchanged until 2003.
It
is estimated that over a half of a million Iraqi and Iranian solders as
well as civilians are believed to have died in the war with many more
injured or wounded. At least 12,000 Ahwazi Arab conscripted soldiers in
the Iranian Army died defending Iran’s border from the Iraqi invasion.
However, despite their service and opposition to the Iraqi invasion, the
Ahwazi Arabs have been labeled as terrorists and enemies to the Iranian
state. The Iranian gozinesh law that was passed in 1988 was a direct
effort by the Iranian government to weaken and repress the Arab minority
within the state. Since then the Ahwazi Arabs have faced continued
harassment, terror and discrimination by the Iranian government.
2009 IRANIAN ELECTIONS
On
June 12th 2009 Iran held its tenth presidential election in which the
incumbent Mahmoud Ahmadinejad was set against three challengers. The
months preceding the vote saw increased repression, particularly against
members of Iran’s religious and ethnic minorities, students, trade
unions, and women’s rights activists. The censuring of the population
created an intense situation leading up to the election. Presidential
debates and information were restricted to only the state media. Many
candidates were disqualified from running, leaving just four to contest
for the presidency. Despite the limitations imposed by the Iranian
government to discourage people, many individuals went out and voted. By
the next morning the Islamic Republic News Agency, the official state
news agency, announced that with only two-thirds of the votes counted,
Ahmadinejad had won the election with 62% of the vote. However, within
hours of the announcement outrage had erupted on the streets amongst
widespread claims of voting fraud. The three defeated candidates alleged
that President Ahmadinejad had ordered the fraud and voting
discrimination. The government’s response was swift and severe with the
blocking of satellite transmissions, internet access, banning of foreign
journalists, and the severing of telecommunications infrastructure.
By
the end of that week Iran’s Supreme Leader had ordered security forces
to use violence and arbitrary arrests to suppress opposition. At this
time ethnic minorities became targets of the Iranian military crackdown.
Hundreds of Ahwazi Arab homes were raided and many innocent Ahwazis
were taken into custody. It is estimated that at least 4,000 people were
arrested during post-election unrest in Tehran, however several other
arrests were recorded in Al-Ahwaz. The majority of those arrested were
soon released, but many were held for weeks and some are still being
held. It is still unknown how many Ahwazi Arabs were arrested and
detained as the Iranian government continues to censure this
information. According to international and local human rights groups,
including Ahwaz Human Rights Organization, at least 780 Ahwazi-Arab
known political organizers remain in prison from the 2009 elections.
CURRENT ISSUES
1. Economic Situation
According
to the Iranian government, Al-Ahwaz ranks third in Iran’s provinces in
terms of GDP, largely due to its oil. The Yadavaran Field, one of the
richest oil reserves in Iran, is located in Al-Ahwaz. The field is
estimated to have up to 17 billion barrels of oil. In 2009 the Iranian
government negotiated a 70 billion dollar deal with the Chinese company,
Sinopec, in which the company would hold a 51% stake in the field’s
development and the Chinese government would agree to buy 10 million
metric tons of natural gas from the Iran. In 2007 development in the
Yadavaran Field finally began and it is already estimated to make up to
185,000 barrels per day. However, the benefits of the rich natural
resources of Al-Ahwaz do not reach the average Ahwazi citizen. Ahwazi
Arab unemployment rates are officially between 15-20%, and illiteracy is
above 50%. A million of the roughly 4 million Ahwazi Arabs live in
urban slums, and more Ahwazi houses are destroyed every year by
authorities to make room for government-sponsored business projects.
Several
Ahwazi Arab oil and gas workers have also been victims to the
discriminatory policies of the Iranian administration. It has been
reported that since 2009, the Iranian government started discharging all
mid and high level Ahwazi Arabs from oil, gas, petrochemical and steel
industries in Khuzestan to further intimidate Arabs and discourage their
solidarity with the Kurdish, Baloch Human Rights movements in Tehran.
Firings have been reported in several oil, gas, chemical and steel
refineries, such as Abadan Petrochemical Complex, Razi Chemical (Bandar
Imam Petrochemical), the Ahwaz Steel Plant, Ahwaz Carbon Black Plants
and many others.
In
addition to oil Al-Ahwaz is known as one of the agriculturally richest
regions in Iran. The Karoun River flows directly through the province
offering a renewable source of fresh water as well as shipping and
trading routes through Iran and into the Persian Gulf. However, one of
the greatest threats to the Ahwazi people has been the diversion of the
Karoun River by the Iranian government in order to fuel massive oil and
factory developments with hydro-electric energy and water. The diversion
of the Karoun River has caused massive ecological devastation to the
already impoverished countryside as marshlands have been turned into
saltwater fields and the land has become desert. The loss of usable
agricultural land has led to the severe malnutrition and high infant
mortality rates in the Ahwazi population.
2. Human Rights
Like
most human rights activists in Iran, those in Al-Ahwaz face constant
oppression from the government, including arrests where torture and
ill-treatment are routine and trial without access to legal
representation. Moreover, due to their ethnicity, some are also falsely
identified as separatists by the central government, which has
maintained a suspicious stance towards Ahwazi Arabs ever since the
Iran-Iraq war, despite the thousands that gave their lives during that
war. Tehran still perceives them as being disloyal and infiltrated by
foreign countries trying to destabilize Iran. In this sense, the
mobilization of minority representation has been considered secessionist
and strongly resisted by the authorities, despite the fact that Iran is
a multi-ethnic country and the repeated Ahwazi affirmations to respect
the territorial integrity of Iran.
Since
the mass demonstrations in Al-Ahwaz in 2005 there have been multiple
instances of Ahwazi activists being imprisoned with little explanation,
charged with mohareb, “being enemies of God”. They are generally denied
legal representation, and even in instances where lawyers are consulted,
Iranian law is not properly followed. In many of these cases, the
prisoners have been executed without any prior notification, contrary to
the law stating that a prisoner and their legal counsel are entitled to
48 hours notification, and further objection, before execution.
Many
Ahwazi living abroad have applied for refugee status from UNHCR and
have received permission to travel to safe countries. There have been
many instances in the past five years where Ahwazis granted refugee
status living in Syria and Lebanon have been deported back to Iran to
face criminal charges. Many of them have been detained indefinitely or
executed. There are no official figures recorded of Ahwazi refugees put
in this situation. The DSPA and other Ahwazi organizations have called
for the Geneva Convention principle of non-refoulement to be applied
when nations are working with Ahwazi refugees.
According
to the Ahwazi Human Rights Organisation (AHRO), since the 2005 Ahwazi
Intifada began, over 5,000 Ahwazis have been arrested, at least 131 have
been killed and over 150 have disappeared.
3. Land Appropriation
In
the years during the Iran-Iraq war, the central government confiscated
some of the land in order to secure the region against the Iraqi
invasion. However, 22 years after the end of the war, those lands have
not been reallocated to the Ahwazi Arabs who are still waiting for their
return. According to the Special Reporter on Adequate Housing, in his
report in 2005, there were reports of approximately 200,000 to 250,000
Arabs being displaced in Al-Ahwaz region due to the development projects
being carried out by the central government. He specified that there
was no prior consultation with the Ahwazi Arabs about those projects and
there was no adequate resettlement or compensation.
4. Living Conditions
Despite
Al-Ahwaz being one of the richest regions for natural resources in Iran
and generates a large amount of profits for the Iranian government, the
Ahwazi Arabs continue to live in deplorable conditions. Due to the
discriminatory laws put in place by the Iranian government, that limits
Ahwazi Arabs access to social services they remain one of the poorest
population groups within the state. One third of the urban population
lives in shanty towns that are scattered throughout Al-Ahwaz.
Many
Ahwazi Arabs live in areas where unemployment can reach up to 50%. The
area of Dashte-Azadegan, where the majority of the inhabitants are
indigenous Ahwazi Arabs, has the highest incidence of malnutrition among
children in Iran. About 80% of children in Dashte-Azadegan suffer from
malnutrition, leaving them with the consequences of stunted growth,
health complications, and early mortality. Meanwhile in other areas of
Al-Ahwaz hundreds of Ahwazis suffer from disease and poor living
conditions due to Iranian discrimination and repression. Several Ahwazi
Arabs have lost their homes and farmlands to oil mining and water
developments projects in the region, leaving many in a desperate state
unable to support their families.
The
majority of Ahwazi villages lack schools and over 70% of Ahwazi Arab
students drop out from secondary school due to not being able to learn
in their native language. In addition to this, vast stretches of
Al-Ahwaz continue to be riddled with explosive mines and bombs left
behind from the Iran-Iraq War. Several local Ahwazi people, including
children, have been tragic victims to these land mines. According to a
2003 Landmine Monitoring Report by the Human Rights Watch, Khuzestan
remains the “most landmine infested area” in Iran. While the Ahwazi
Arabs have appealed to the Iranian government to de-mine the area, their
pleas continue to be ignored.
KEY QUESTIONS
1. How long have Ahwazi Arabs lived in Iran?
Ahwazi
Arabs were an indigenous population in Al-Ahwaz before 639 AD.
Throughout the centuries the region switched from Arab to Persian
control; however the local Ahwazi population has remained consistent.
Before Al-Ahwaz was officially renamed Khuzestan in 1936 the region was
titled Arabistan which was meant to be a representative of the large
local Arab population. The Ahwazi Arabs consider themselves to be native
inhabitants of Al-Ahwaz and wish for their indigenous rights of
culture, language, human rights and land to be respected and protected
by the Iranian government.
2. Are Ahwazi Arabs connected to extremists and separatists?
The
Democratic Solidarity Party of Ahwaz do not consider themselves
separatists. During the Iran-Iraq War the majority of the Ahwazi Arabs
despite their opposition to the Islamic Republic, opposed the Iraqi
invasion. Despite the accusations by the Iranian government that the
Ahwazi Arabs are attached to Sunni extremists, agents working on behalf
of the Israeli, US or Saudi governments, the Ahwazi Arabs have had no
connection to radical extremism or violence towards the Iranian
government. The goal of the Democratic Solidarity Party of Ahwaz is to
gain greater autonomy of Iran’s regions and transform Iran into a truly
democratic federal state in which ethnic and religious minorities are
equally represented and protected.
3. How has the International Community responded to the human rights situation in Al-Ahwaz?
The
situation of Iran’s Ahwazi Arab minority has remained a topic of
concern for human rights organizations like Amnesty International, Human
Rights Watch, as well as the European Parliament, The United Nations,
the US Department of State and the International Federation for Human
Rights. Since 2005 several reports have been published by Amnesty
International and Human Rights Watch regarding the ethnic genocide of
Ahwazi Arabs by the Iranian government. Recently the United Nations
Human Rights Council condemned the actions of the Iranian government
during the 2009 elections and its aftermath. While the plight of the
Ahwazi Arabs has received greater international attention, the Iranian
government has consistently refused to recognize Iranian Arab rights and
instead continues to harshly repress them.
CULTURE AND ENVIRONMENT
LANGUAGE
The
people of Al-Ahwaz historically speak a dialect of Arabic identical to
that spoken in Iraq. Ever since Reza Shah’s centralization and
annexation of Al-Ahwaz in 1925, Farsi (Persian) has been the official
language of the state and no other languages are taught in school or
used by the government. Many Ahwazi Arabs drop out of school because
they are forced to learn Farsi, and access to government positions is
limited for native-Arab speakers from Al-Ahwaz.
RELIGION
Currently
it is estimated that about 70-80% of Ahwazi Arabs are Shia and 20-30%
are Sunni. However, there is no religious sectarianism between the two
denominations among the Ahwazi, as the society is based more on tribal
divisions than religious ones. There are also small numbers of Jews,
Christians, and Mandaeans in Al-Ahwaz. Unemployment rates in Al-Ahwaz
are very high due to the restriction on Ahwazi Arabic in the region.
ENVIRONMENT
Al-Ahwaz
is famous in Iran for its natural beauty and its wealth of natural
resources. Being situated in the mountainous regions north of the Ahwaz
Ridge and the plains and marshlands of the south, the region has an
abundance of rivers and rich deposits of oil and minerals. It is because
of this that for centuries individuals have inhabited the area and the
land is scattered with valuable archeological structures and artifacts.
The Ahwazi Arabs have inhabited the area of Al-Ahwaz since 639 AD.
However, the relatively recent oil mining, industrial and hydro-electric
developments, coupled with the increased land confiscation by the
Iranian government have spelled ecological and social disaster for the
Ahwazi Arabs.
Oil
mining and industrial development have radically transformed the
Al-Ahwaz landscape as local mountains and river beds have been leveled
in order to accommodate them. Local wildlife, such as the endangered
Asiatic Cheetah and the Persian Fallow Deer, have had their populations
severely reduced due to loss of habitat.
Fish
populations as well have suffered as toxic runoff from the mines and
factories pollute the local waterways. Recent research has shown high
levels of mercury in the surrounding water supplies coming from the
Bandar Imam Petrochemical complex. Local bird populations, especially
the endangered falcons have shown extraordinary high levels of mercury
in their bloodstreams. Signs of mercury poisoning are also evidenced in
the indigenous Ahwazi Arab population in the form of birth defects,
mental retardation, and a sharp rise in skin and respiratory diseases.
One
the greatest threats to the Ahwazi people is the proposed diversion of
the Karoun River by the Iranian government. The diversion project will
hit the province's Arab majority hard, exacerbating endemic poverty in
the region by reducing water availability. The region also contains
extensive marshes and rivers that support endangered species of fish and
migratory birds. In January 2006, local members of parliament
threatened to resign their seats in protest at the diversion of the
Karoun. They claimed that it would seriously undermine water security
and the livelihoods of many farmers in the Arab-majority province. In
December 2005, some Khuzestan MPs launched a petition to impeach Energy
Minister Parviz Fatah over the project.
Nevertheless,
in June 2007, Fatah rejected the United Nation Environment Program’s
(UNEP) concerns over the environmental impact of the government's
diversion project, despite claims that it will create an environmental
disaster. According to local media reports, Fatah said that the
government would instead step up its river diversion program, claiming
that it "will not damage any part of the country and will not reduce the
quota of water of any province." He said that Khuzestan would benefit
from hydroelectric power stations that form part of the river diversion
project.
According
to the UNEP, the Hor al-Azeem marsh has transformed from one of the
biggest marshes in the Middle East to a barren wasteland with soil that
is too salty to sustain any plants. The marsh lies at the mouth of the
Karkeh River on the Iran-Iraq border and also receives water from the
Tigris and Euphrates rivers. Iran's current project of transferring the
waters of the Karoun River to decertified Iranian provinces will have
major consequences for the marshland, according to environmental
activists. Ahwazi Arabs in Khuzestan already suffer from poor health,
low life expectancy, high rates of unemployment and pollution from the
oil and petrochemical industries. The diversion of the Karoun would be a
disaster for their livelihoods and well-being.
The
Arab Spring swept across the Middle East last year, toppling
authoritarian regimes in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Yemen, while
violence still rages on in Syria. Global commentators speculated about
whether the Arab Spring would reach Iran and reignite the
anti-Ahmadinejad Green Movement that was brutally suppressed after it
started protesting election results in 2009. However, as soon as
protests started this February, the police moved in to prevent a repeat
of the tragedy that unfolded a few years back. Foreign news coverage
then became severely limited, after news bureaus were threatened with
closure and their staffs with deportation if they dared print anything
negative.
However,
the clampdown didn't stop the protests. Two months later, Iranian Arabs
in the western province of Ahwaz took to the streets of the capital,
which is also called Ahwaz, and were attacked by the security forces,
who fired live ammunition into the crowd, killing 15 and wounding dozens
more.
Never
heard of Ahwaz? That's because, officially, it's called Khuzestan and
is home to one of Iran's longest running independence movements—a
movement that Iran has been fighting and brutalizing to keep quiet. If
the name rings a bell at all, it's probably from the 1980 Iranian
embassy siege in London, which was carried out by Ahwazi separatists
demanding the release of Arab prisoners in Iranian jails.
Ahwaz
is a mainly ethnically Arab province that was an autonomous state
before 1935. Ever since, Ahwazis have been protesting both peacefully,
and not so peacefully, to regain their independence. But, surprise
surprise, Iran isn't listening. And not only is it not listening, it's
shooting protesters and often torturing and executing the ones it
captures while branding them traitors and heretics.
Unsurprisingly,
Ahwazis are getting tired of demonstrating, and there's now talk of
armed insurrection. I got in touch with Kamil Alboshoka, who was forced
to flee Iran and now works as an Ahwazi human rights campaigner, to find
out exactly what's going on.
VICE: Hey, Kamil. Can you tell me a little bit about Ahwaz please?
Kamil:
Ahwaz is a very rich and fertile land, with many rivers that help it
sustain its vast agricultural output. Ahwaz is Iran's third richest
province by GDP, but the country now suffers. Ahwaz is rich, but its
people are not. We're not allowed to study our own language, not allowed
to engage in politics, not allowed to wear our traditional clothes, not
allowed to use our traditional names, and we're not allowed to have our
own economy. The country is in a really bad situation.
How did it all start?
It
was independent before 1925, then Iran attacked my country, occupied
the land, and killed thousands of people. In 1935, Iran officially
declared that Ahwaz was a part of the country, then they changed the
name to Khuzestan in 1936. Since then, Iran has moved thousands of
ethnic Persians to Ahwaz to change the demographic of the land. Now
there are nearly two million Persians in Ahwaz, but they live in the
centers of the towns and they don’t mix with people, exactly like Kosovo
in the past, or like the West Bank. They're Persian settlements and
they have the power to take agriculture from the people. The economy is
run by them and they're supported by the Iranian state.
So the 1979 revolution changed nothing?
No,
nothing changed. It just became worse, because, in 1979 Persians
weren't supposed to take power again—it was supposed to become a
federalist state. During the revolution, the ethnic Turks started the
demonstrations across Iran, and Arabs blockaded the oil and gas in
Ahwaz, so that made the previous regime close down. Before Ruhollah
Khomeini took power, he told them he'd give them rights to speak their
language, rights to be federalist, and rights to have a percentage of
their economy, but didn't fulfill any of his promises. The only thing we
have left now is self-determination.
Did anything change when Iran and Iraq went to war? Did Ahwazis fight for Iran or Iraq?
Well,
the majority supported Iraq during the war, because Iraq wanted to help
us as fellow Arabs. In Iran, every boy must serve in the army for two
years, so many of them joined the army and were forced to fight Iraq
against their will. We're geographically different to Iran, culturally
different to Iran, ideologically different to Iran, our food is
different to Iran and our mentality is different to Iran. Everything is
different to Iran.
Do you know of any Ahwazis who went to Iraq to fight for them?
I
know thousands of Ahwazis living in Iraq and they told me that 5,000
Ahwazis were killed fighting for Iraq. We had an army in Iraq and an
organization, called the Arabic Movement for Ahwaz, but many of the
Ahwazis who fought for Iraq are now in hiding because the Iranian
intelligence services have been hunting them down ever since.
Are the Iranians killing them if they find them?
Iranian
intelligence services are, yes, but Iranian services are now part of
the Iraqi government. Malaki, Assad, Jafari and Hakeem are all agents
for Iran. Iraq is not safe for our people at all.
How did you get involved in the Ahwaz independence movement?
On
the 15th of April, 2005, I participated in a demonstration in
Khailafia. It was a very peaceful demonstration to begin with—we simply
wanted the world to hear our voice—but the Iranian regime began shooting
at the crowd and ended up killing a lot of people. I believe more than
350 people were killed during 25 days of demonstrations.
Did they shoot at you while you were protesting, or when they found out where you lived?
No,
they shot at us during the demonstration. They injured 6,000 and,
according to Iranian reports, there have been 36,000 people arrested
since then because of the demonstrations. Some only spent a day in
detention, whereas others are still there. My best friend was arrested,
along with his brother, and sentenced to 35 years in a prison outside of
Ahwaz. His older brother was executed.
Did you get arrested?
Yeah,
I was detained for 28 days. I was blindfolded and had no idea where
they had taken me. They began torturing me on the first day with
electric cables, wooden blocks, and lead pipes and continued until they
had to release me on bail, due to lack of evidence. I had to sign in at
the police station every month and say I wasn't part of any dissident
group. I was, of course, but I had to keep it a secret.
Iranian
security forces have put down peaceful demonstrations and intensified
their wave of arrests of Ahwazi Arabs ahead of Eid ul-Fitr, the Islamic
celebration that marks the end of the holy month of Ramadan.
On
Friday August 17 [2012], Arab demonstrators protested in different
parts of the Al-Ahwaz region demanding the release of political
prisoners and respect for the bodies of those executed in recent months.
The protests were swiftly put down and were followed by arrests.
Cafe
owner Saeed Dehimi (25) from Hamidiyah was detained at an unknown
location on Friday. Security forces also targeted Arab residential
districts of Ahwaz City: Kut Abdullah, Kantex, Malashiya and Hey
Althawra in an effort to intimidate local residents. A number of Sunni
Arabs were arrested, but only the names of two are known at present:
Heidar Meisi (25) and Ahmad Hazbawi (28).
Seyed
Dhahi (Zahi Mosawi), aged 28 and married with one daughter, was
arrested at his home in Ahmadi Street, Hey Althawra this weekend. He was
accused of inciting protests and distributing anti-regime leaflets as
well as calling for Eid prayers and arranging a popular Ahwazi game
played during Ramadan, known as Mehebes. He is being held at an
undisclosed location.
Check
points were set up in Malashiya district, where at least six men were
arrested on Saturday August 18th [2012]: Jamal Khasraji, Mahdi Khasraji,
Naji Khalifa Al-Shemeri, Ayoob Khasraji, Hakim Khasraji and Khalil
Khasraji. Shawoor district, a suburb of Susa, has also been the focus of
a crackdown with an unknown number of arrests made.
The
Ahwazi Arab Solidarity Network (AASN) has received the names of 46
Ahwazi Arabs arrested over Ramadan, but believes many more have been
detained. A 12 year old girl was also killed by security forces in
Sariya, a suburb of Khafajiya (Susangerd) on July 21. The prospect of
peaceful protests on and in the days after Eid ul-Fitr could push the
number of arrests into triple figures, says AASN.
Meanwhile, 11 political prisoners from Hamidiyeh are set to be put on trial at Branch 1 of the Ahwaz Revolutionary Court:
Eidan
Shakhi Sayyahi (son of Abdulkazem)Ali SaediRedha Obaidawi (son of
Nezal)Jawad BatraniJalil NaamiJasem Obaidawi (son of Jomaa)Hassan
AbiyatHadi Abiyat (son of Abdulzahra)Hassan Menabi (son of
Rashed)Mostafa Koti (son of Sabah)
The
men have been held in custody and subjected to physical and
psychological torture for over one year. They appeared on Press TV, the
Iranian government's English language propaganda station. According to
sources, none of the men have been appointed a legal representative and
the trial will be conducted in secret in front of Judge Ebrahimi, who
has links to the security services.
Five
Ahwazis are currently facing execution for "enmity with God" and there
are reports they are being tortured by the Ministry of Intelligence,
even after being sentenced to death. Four Ahwazi political prisoners
were executed in June on the same charges. Six Ahwazis have also been
tortured to death in extra-judicial killings by the security services,
although none were charged with any crime.
http://www.defence.pk/forums/middle-east-africa/204486-ahwaz-arab-springs-forgotten-uprising-news-discussion.html
An Iranian long-range shore-to-sea missile launched during
the Velayat-90 war game on the Sea of Oman's shore near the Strait of
Hormuz in southern Iran. (Reuters)
